Over the weakened rumors ran rampant that popular cross-platform messaging service WhatsApp was in Google's cross-hairs, and that a buyout might be imminent. Not so, says WhatsApp's head of business development, Neeraj Arora. According to Liz Gannes of AllThingsD:
[WhatsApp] is not holding sales talks with Google.
Google has bought, and in some cases killed, popular services before, and likely will again. WhatsApp has been the subject of buyout rumors before, including by Facebook (who ultimately bought their competitor, Beluga), and likely will again. In an increasingly connected world, a cross-platform communication service is valuable, and Whatsapp becoming to GTalk what Sparrow became to Gmail or Snapseed became to whatever Google finally does with photos, certainly isn't inconceivable.
Mega corporations, including Apple, buying independent software and services companies, sometimes for talent or technology rather than current products, sometimes just to reduce competitive pressures, is why we can't always have and keep nice internet things.
Of course, a relatively low-level denial means almost nothing in a world where CEO's tell us they're not doing something right up until the moment they do it. So keep your rumor drawer ever-so-slightly ajar for the next few weeks. And in the meantime, let me know -- do you care if Google, or someone else, buys WhatsApp?
Research examines corporate communications in the 'gilded age' of free speechPublic release date: 8-Apr-2013 [ | E-mail | Share ]
Contact: Dawn Fuller dawn.fuller@uc.edu 513-556-1823 University of Cincinnati
An analysis of U.S. Supreme Court decisions suggests "historical amnesia" regarding the growing power of speech rights for corporations in electronic media, versus the First Amendment rights of individuals. Jeff Blevins, associate professor and head of the University of Cincinnati's Department of Journalism, will present his research on Tuesday, April 9, at the 58th annual convention of the Broadcast Education Association in Las Vegas.
Blevins' presentation, titled "Historical Amnesia in First Amendment Jurisprudence on Corporate Power and Electronic Media," suggests that recent decisions from the nation's highest court have "allowed corporations' power to speak to become even greater than that of human citizens."
Blevins examined eight U.S. Supreme Court cases over a 30-year period that defined speech rights for corporations.
The study analyzed:
Corporate speech in campaigns and elections
Corporations and commercial speech
Corporations and conflicts of speech and privacy
"In a bygone era, the U.S. Supreme Court had once predicated commercial speech rights on the public's right to receive information, and also understood the need to limit corporate speech even in the political arena in the interest of protecting the integrity of the public's electoral process," says Blevins. "However, the court's most recent decisions have dramatically extended power under the First Amendment and have marked a new, gilded age of free speech."
The research examined the following court cases:
Buckley v. Valeo (1976) A challenge to the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 which limited the amount of money that individuals could contribute to election campaigns. The court made the distinction between contributions and expenditures, lifting limitations on expenditures. The ruling resulted in significant growth of Political Action Committees (PACs.)
Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce (1990) The challenge involved a Michigan state law that prohibited corporations from using money from their general treasuries to support or oppose candidates in state elections. The Michigan Chamber of Commerce challenged the law because of its interest in purchasing newspaper advertisements in support of a particular candidate running for state office. The Supreme Court ruled that limiting speech based on corporate identity was permissible under the law and that the law did not silence corporate speech.
McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (FEC) (1990) The campaign finance case, brought by U.S. Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, was a challenge to the Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act (BCRA) of 2002, which banned campaign advertising by corporations and other organizations 30 days prior to a primary election and 60 days prior to a general election. The ruling upheld most of the act, including prohibitions on corporate advertising during pivotal periods of political campaigns.
Citizens United v. FEC (2010) The case involved a challenge to the BCRA in that a nonprofit wanted to release a documentary a movie holding negative criticism of Hillary Clinton via on-demand cable television, 30 days before the primary election in which Clinton was seeking the Democratic Party's nomination for U.S. President. Citizens United opposed the BCRA in that it wanted to advertise the film within 30 days of the primary. The organization appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court after a lower court found Citizens United in violation of the federal rules. The U.S. Supreme Court reversed the lower court's decision, stating the ban on corporate independent expenditures violated the First Amendment. Blevins cited the ruling as a case of "historical amnesia," in that the ruling appeared to be in contradiction to the high court's decision in the case of McConnell v. FEC. The decision also contradicted the high court's judgment in Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce.
Virginia State Board of Pharmacy v. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council (1976) A consumer group challenged a rule by the Virginia State Board of Pharmacy that forbade pharmacists to advertise the price of prescription drugs a rule aimed at discouraging price wars among drug companies.
Blevins states that in this case, the high court brought commercial speech under First Amendment protections, but found commercial speech deserves less protection than political speech.
Central Hudson Electric and Gas v. Public Service Commission of New York (1980) This involved a challenge to the Public Service Commission of New York's order to cease all utility company advertising that promoted the use of electricity, an effort to conserve energy amid concerns that consumer demand would grow greater than the energy supply. The order was upheld under the New York Court of Appeals and then reversed by the U.S. Supreme Court, which found that the commission's order unduly burdened free speech.
Sorrell v. IMS Health (2011) The challenge was against a Vermont State law prohibiting pharmaceutical "detailing," on drugs that doctors prescribed to their patients, allowing marketers and manufacturers to gather that information for their own marketing strategies. The case was argued before the U.S. Supreme Court by William Sorrell, Virginia State Attorney General. Several information mining companies challenged the law, citing it was a violation of their freedom of speech under the First Amendment. After conflicting rulings in the lower courts, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the law as an unconstitutional restriction of corporate speech.
FCC v. AT&T (2011) Under the Freedom of Information Act, government records and documents can be made publicly available, unless those records result in an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy. This case resulted in action from AT&T, after a trade organization requested documents from an FCC action on AT&T. AT&T filed to have the Freedom of Information Act apply to both individuals and the corporation, which was upheld by the Third Circuit Court of Appeals but struck down by the Supreme Court, which found that the Freedom of Information Act only applied to individuals.
Blevins suggests the rulings indicate that the court actions imply that more speech is better, yet Blevins emphasizes that the First Amendment was written at a time when only humans, not corporations, were doing the communicating. "The real value of commercial speech resides in the receiver's interest and not the speaker's. It is the interest of humans to receive information that is more important than the speaker's self interest," writes Blevins.
"Through the evolution of Supreme Court jurisprudence, it seems that corporations' limited right to speak to serve the people has become an interest superior to that of the people it purports to serve," concludes Blevins.
The paper was awarded first place in the Broadcast Education Association's History Division open paper competition.
Blevins' research focuses on U.S. telecommunication law and policy, and engages critical political economy theory. His research has examined media ownership regulation, First Amendment jurisprudence on media ownership regulation, Internet media policy and the politics of the telecommunication policymaking process.
###
The Broadcast Education Association is the professional association for educators, industry professionals and graduate students who are interested in teaching and research related to electronic media and multimedia enterprises.
[ | E-mail | Share ]
?
AAAS and EurekAlert! are not responsible for the accuracy of news releases posted to EurekAlert! by contributing institutions or for the use of any information through the EurekAlert! system.
Research examines corporate communications in the 'gilded age' of free speechPublic release date: 8-Apr-2013 [ | E-mail | Share ]
Contact: Dawn Fuller dawn.fuller@uc.edu 513-556-1823 University of Cincinnati
An analysis of U.S. Supreme Court decisions suggests "historical amnesia" regarding the growing power of speech rights for corporations in electronic media, versus the First Amendment rights of individuals. Jeff Blevins, associate professor and head of the University of Cincinnati's Department of Journalism, will present his research on Tuesday, April 9, at the 58th annual convention of the Broadcast Education Association in Las Vegas.
Blevins' presentation, titled "Historical Amnesia in First Amendment Jurisprudence on Corporate Power and Electronic Media," suggests that recent decisions from the nation's highest court have "allowed corporations' power to speak to become even greater than that of human citizens."
Blevins examined eight U.S. Supreme Court cases over a 30-year period that defined speech rights for corporations.
The study analyzed:
Corporate speech in campaigns and elections
Corporations and commercial speech
Corporations and conflicts of speech and privacy
"In a bygone era, the U.S. Supreme Court had once predicated commercial speech rights on the public's right to receive information, and also understood the need to limit corporate speech even in the political arena in the interest of protecting the integrity of the public's electoral process," says Blevins. "However, the court's most recent decisions have dramatically extended power under the First Amendment and have marked a new, gilded age of free speech."
The research examined the following court cases:
Buckley v. Valeo (1976) A challenge to the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 which limited the amount of money that individuals could contribute to election campaigns. The court made the distinction between contributions and expenditures, lifting limitations on expenditures. The ruling resulted in significant growth of Political Action Committees (PACs.)
Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce (1990) The challenge involved a Michigan state law that prohibited corporations from using money from their general treasuries to support or oppose candidates in state elections. The Michigan Chamber of Commerce challenged the law because of its interest in purchasing newspaper advertisements in support of a particular candidate running for state office. The Supreme Court ruled that limiting speech based on corporate identity was permissible under the law and that the law did not silence corporate speech.
McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (FEC) (1990) The campaign finance case, brought by U.S. Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, was a challenge to the Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act (BCRA) of 2002, which banned campaign advertising by corporations and other organizations 30 days prior to a primary election and 60 days prior to a general election. The ruling upheld most of the act, including prohibitions on corporate advertising during pivotal periods of political campaigns.
Citizens United v. FEC (2010) The case involved a challenge to the BCRA in that a nonprofit wanted to release a documentary a movie holding negative criticism of Hillary Clinton via on-demand cable television, 30 days before the primary election in which Clinton was seeking the Democratic Party's nomination for U.S. President. Citizens United opposed the BCRA in that it wanted to advertise the film within 30 days of the primary. The organization appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court after a lower court found Citizens United in violation of the federal rules. The U.S. Supreme Court reversed the lower court's decision, stating the ban on corporate independent expenditures violated the First Amendment. Blevins cited the ruling as a case of "historical amnesia," in that the ruling appeared to be in contradiction to the high court's decision in the case of McConnell v. FEC. The decision also contradicted the high court's judgment in Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce.
Virginia State Board of Pharmacy v. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council (1976) A consumer group challenged a rule by the Virginia State Board of Pharmacy that forbade pharmacists to advertise the price of prescription drugs a rule aimed at discouraging price wars among drug companies.
Blevins states that in this case, the high court brought commercial speech under First Amendment protections, but found commercial speech deserves less protection than political speech.
Central Hudson Electric and Gas v. Public Service Commission of New York (1980) This involved a challenge to the Public Service Commission of New York's order to cease all utility company advertising that promoted the use of electricity, an effort to conserve energy amid concerns that consumer demand would grow greater than the energy supply. The order was upheld under the New York Court of Appeals and then reversed by the U.S. Supreme Court, which found that the commission's order unduly burdened free speech.
Sorrell v. IMS Health (2011) The challenge was against a Vermont State law prohibiting pharmaceutical "detailing," on drugs that doctors prescribed to their patients, allowing marketers and manufacturers to gather that information for their own marketing strategies. The case was argued before the U.S. Supreme Court by William Sorrell, Virginia State Attorney General. Several information mining companies challenged the law, citing it was a violation of their freedom of speech under the First Amendment. After conflicting rulings in the lower courts, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the law as an unconstitutional restriction of corporate speech.
FCC v. AT&T (2011) Under the Freedom of Information Act, government records and documents can be made publicly available, unless those records result in an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy. This case resulted in action from AT&T, after a trade organization requested documents from an FCC action on AT&T. AT&T filed to have the Freedom of Information Act apply to both individuals and the corporation, which was upheld by the Third Circuit Court of Appeals but struck down by the Supreme Court, which found that the Freedom of Information Act only applied to individuals.
Blevins suggests the rulings indicate that the court actions imply that more speech is better, yet Blevins emphasizes that the First Amendment was written at a time when only humans, not corporations, were doing the communicating. "The real value of commercial speech resides in the receiver's interest and not the speaker's. It is the interest of humans to receive information that is more important than the speaker's self interest," writes Blevins.
"Through the evolution of Supreme Court jurisprudence, it seems that corporations' limited right to speak to serve the people has become an interest superior to that of the people it purports to serve," concludes Blevins.
The paper was awarded first place in the Broadcast Education Association's History Division open paper competition.
Blevins' research focuses on U.S. telecommunication law and policy, and engages critical political economy theory. His research has examined media ownership regulation, First Amendment jurisprudence on media ownership regulation, Internet media policy and the politics of the telecommunication policymaking process.
###
The Broadcast Education Association is the professional association for educators, industry professionals and graduate students who are interested in teaching and research related to electronic media and multimedia enterprises.
[ | E-mail | Share ]
?
AAAS and EurekAlert! are not responsible for the accuracy of news releases posted to EurekAlert! by contributing institutions or for the use of any information through the EurekAlert! system.
Gaming mouse pads generally only have two or three things to offer gamers, namely improved sensor recognition, improved reaction and control, and a larger surface area than standard office mouse pads. The Scythe Precision Gaming Surface, the first product from newcomer Scythe Mouse Pad Company, takes that last feature?size?and dials it up to eleven. It's the biggest mouse pad I've ever seen by far, and that may be reason enough for some folks to buy it. But other than that, there's not a lot else going on.
Design and Features
This thing is huge, measuring 14 by 17 by 0.13 inches (HWD)?that's right, 238 square inches of sleek spandex and foam rubber, an expanse that's a little bit like having a roller rink to yourself. You can just go as far as you please, never worrying about where you are on the mouse pad, because you know it's so big that you probably won't make it all the way to the edge.
The Scythe is significantly larger than the already oversized Roccat Hiro and Razer Goliathus (both roughly 10 by 14 inches), and that's saying a lot. All that material is a tad heavy, as well (7.7 ounces), which is more than an ounce heavier than the Razer Goliathus (6.6 ounces), though not as heavy as the rubber laminate of the Roccat Hiro (10.2 ounces) or the all-metal Razer Ironclad (18.5 ounces).
The Scythe is also very smooth. Covered in 1,200-plus thread count polyester/spandex blend, this cloth-covered mouse pad lets you glide at a good clip?I actually found myself dialing down my DPI to compensate for the speedy movement.
In a lot of ways, the Scythe is very similar to the Razer Goliathus, with a few small but key differences?the Scythe is bigger. A lot bigger. But the Razer Goliathus is better made, with a frame of heavy stitching around the edges to prevent the otherwise inevitable separation of the rubber and cloth, and the subsequent fraying that renders the mouse pad useless. Despite this, you can rest easy, because Texas Duratile (the company behind the Scythe Pad) covers the mouse pad with a lifetime warranty, putting to shame both Razer (180 days) and Roccat (no warranty) mouse pads.
Performance
To test the Scythe, I spread it across my workbench in the PC Labs and used it for over a week for all of my work and gaming. The broad expanse certainly is big, and the resulting freedom of movement is nice, but I never felt hemmed in while using the Roccat Hiro or Razer Goliathus. If anything, the sheer size of the Scythe is overwhelming?not in the sense that I was overwhelmed, but in the sense that this enormous mouse pad covers half my desk.
In day-to-day activities, like Excel and Photoshop, the extra-large surface gave me more than enough room to move. Tested in gaming, the polyester/spandex blend offers a low-friction surface, which lets you zip around as quickly as you please. I personally prefer textured surfaces, but I can't deny that the oversized, low-friction mouse pad let me react quickly, move freely, and play at a high level.
The Scythe Precision Gaming Surface offers only one thing that you won't find offered by other gaming mouse pads, and that is size. Other surfaces, like the Roccat Hiro and the Razer Goliathus offer better tactile control and better construction while still offering the flexibility of a soft mouse pad. If even the large size of standard gaming mouse pads cramps your style, then definitely consider the ultra-large Scythe?but if size isn't an issue, I'd look elsewhere.
LONDON (Reuters) - The outgoing chairman of Britain's financial watchdog and one-time candidate to head the Bank of England (BoE) is expected to take up a post at a think tank founded by billionaire investor George Soros.
Britain's Sunday Telegraph newspaper reported that Adair Turner, who heads the soon to be dissolved Financial Services Authority, will join the Institute for New Economic Thinking in New York.
Dubbed by British media as "The Man Who Broke the Bank of England", Soros reportedly made $1 billion by betting on the devaluation of Britain's sterling currency in 1992, helping to send it crashing out of the European Exchange Rate mechanism.
Hungarian-born Soros set up the think tank to devise new economic theories in response to deficiencies in current thinking demonstrated by the recent global financial crisis.
Board members include Nobel prize-winning economists Joseph Stiglitz and Amartya Sen.
The Sunday Telegraph gave no details of the nature of Turner's role at the think tank. The appointment has not yet been announced and spokesmen for Soros and Turner were not immediately available for comment.
The Sunday Telegraph said the FSA had confirmed Turner's appointment and quoted an FSA source as saying Turner's aim at the think tank was to "think big thoughts" and write "more learned papers".
Turner's FSA will be scrapped from April 1 amid reforms to fix a supervisory system criticised for failing to spot the financial crisis coming, forcing Britain to bail out banks.
Two new bodies will replace it - the Financial Conduct Authority and the Prudential Regulation Authority.
(Reporting by Mohammed Abbas; editing by Anna Willard)
ATLANTA (AP) ? An inspired Louisville squad vs. the surprising Shockers.
A new group of Fab Wolverines vs. the stingiest zone defense in college basketball.
After a weekend of blowouts and another upset, the Final Four is set.
Top overall seed Louisville will face Wichita State at the Georgia Dome next Saturday, while Michigan takes on Syracuse in the other national semifinal. The winners advance to the April 8 championship.
On Sunday, the Cardinals drew inspiration from a gruesome injury to guard Kevin Ware and cruised past Duke 85-63 in the Midwest Regional. Michigan led from the opening tip, routing Florida 79-59 in the South.
A day earlier, Syracuse shut down Marquette 55-39 to win the East. Wichita State punched its Final Four ticket with a 70-66 upset of Ohio State out West.
In the final year of the Big East before it splits into two new conferences, Louisville and Syracuse provided a fitting send-off to a league that quickly became a basketball powerhouse after it was founded in 1979.
Before it goes, this version of the Big East has a shot at one more national title.
With two teams, no less.
The Cardinals ? who, like Syracuse, are moving to the Atlantic Coast Conference ? were the only No. 1 seed to make it to the Final Four. And, boy, it's been an impressive run.
Louisville (33-5) has won its four NCAA games by an average margin of nearly 22 points, capped by a second-half blowout of Duke after the Cardinals shook off the incredible shock of Ware's injury with about 6? minutes to go before halftime.
"We won this for him," coach Rick Pitino said.
The sophomore snapped his lower right leg after coming down awkwardly while defending a 3-point shot. The injury occurred right in front of the Louisville bench, where the players gasped and turned away quickly at the sight of Ware's dangling leg, which was broken in two places.
Russ Smith collapsed onto the floor, along with several players, and was crying as doctors attended to Ware. While Ware was loaded onto a stretcher, the Cardinals gathered at midcourt until Pitino called them over, saying the injured player wanted to talk to them before he left.
The sophomore, who played his high school ball in suburban Atlanta, urged his teammates to complete the trip to the Georgia Dome. Pitino wiped his eyes as Ware was wheeled out, as did several Louisville players.
"All he kept saying ? and remember, the bone is 6 inches out of his leg ? all he's yelling is, 'Win the game! Win the game!'" Pitino said. "I've never seen that in my life. We're all distraught and all he's saying is, 'Win the game.' Kevin is a special young man."
This is a special team. Smith scored 23 points. Gorgui Dieng had 14 points, 11 rebounds and four blocks.
The Cardinals simply refused to lose, breaking open a game that was tied at 42. They dove on the floor for loose balls. They pounded the boards ferociously. They contested every shot and swarmed around the Blue Devils like they had an extra player on the court.
In a sense, they did. During every timeout, Pitino reminded the players of their hospitalized teammate.
"This is a gritty bunch," the coach said. "From the beginning of the year to now, they've not had a bad game. I'm really proud of these guys."
While the Cardinals are the clear favorite heading to their second straight Final Four, Wichita State was the most improbable team to advance.
The ninth-seeded Shockers lived up to their nickname in the West, knocking off top-seeded Gonzaga in the second round and No. 2 seed Ohio State in the regional final Saturday night.
Wichita State (30-8) built a 20-point lead on the Buckeyes, then managed to hang on through a nerve-racking final five minutes to pull off the latest upset in a tournament filled with them.
The Shockers will need an even bigger stunner to knock off Louisville, the one team in a wide-open tournament that has looked unbeatable.
Then again, that other team from Kansas has shown no fear so far.
"It feels very good," said Cleanthony Early, a junior forward who, like most guys on this team, was passed over by higher-profile programs, "but we understand the fact that we've got to stay hungry and humble, because we've got two more games left to really be excited about."
Old-timers might remember Louisville and Wichita State as former conference rivals. The Cardinals were a member of the Missouri Valley Conference in the 1960s and '70s, which meant annual games against the Shockers.
Louisville holds a 19-5 edge in the series, but the teams haven't played since 1976.
Michigan (30-7) is headed back to the Final Four for the first time since the Fab Five era of the early 1990s, when the Wolverines lost in back-to-back national title games.
This team has much the same feel, led by sophomore Trey Burke, the Big Ten player of the year, and three freshmen starters. They were downright fabulous against Florida on Sunday, never seriously threatened after scoring the first 13 points.
"A lot of guys said we were really young and that we couldn't get here," said Burke, who scored 15 points against Florida but really came through in an improbable comeback against top-seeded Kansas in the regional semifinals. "We're here now and we still have unfinished business."
One of the freshmen, Nik Stauskas, hit all six of his 3-pointers and scored 22 points to lead the fourth-seeded Wolverines past the third-seeded Gators. Another of the youngsters, 6-foot-10 Mitch McGary, chipped in with 11 points and nine rebounds.
Florida became the first team to make it to three straight regional finals without winning any of them, according to STATS.
The Wolverines will have their work cut out against Syracuse (30-9), a team that has totally stuffed its NCAA opponents with a stifling zone defense. The fourth-seeded Orange are headed to their first Final Four since winning it all in 2003 largely because they have allowed fewer than 46 points a game in the tournament.
Syracuse leads the series against Michigan 8-5. Their last meeting was Nov. 26, 2010, when the Orange prevailed 53-50 in the Legends Classic at Atlantic City, N.J.
The schools have never met in the NCAA tournament.
Syracuse has been like an octopus when it settles in around the its own lane ? shutting off passing routes, preventing anyone from penetrating, yet still managing to defend the 3-point line with quickness and long arms. Montana, California, top-seeded Indiana and Marquette combined to make just under 29 percent from the field (61 of 211) and a paltry 15.4 percent (14 of 91) outside the arc.
"We were as active these two games here in Washington as we've ever been," Syracuse coach Jim Boeheim said after Saturday's win over league rival Marquette, which is headed to a new version of the Big East next season. "I just really can't say enough about how good these guys played on the defensive end of the court."
___
Follow Paul Newberry on Twitter at www.twitter.com/pnewberry1963
Without his partnership with Mark Zuckerberg, New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie wouldn?t have had his first?Oprah moment. The Facebook founder?s $100 million donation to Newark, N.J., schools was the subject of a 2010 episode that?positively?portrayed the conservative governor, along with Newark Mayor Cory Booker, on national television.
So now that Zuckerberg is?co-starting a political advocacy group, could he provide the same benefit for other Republicans??
Zuckerberg and Joe Green, his close friend and college roommate, are establishing a 501(c)4 organization that will initially focus on comprehensive immigration and education reform, according to a source familiar with the group?s?plans.
The group is wading into topics conducive to?bipartisanship. Immigration reform has made Sens. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and Marco Rubio, R-Fla., unlikely allies. Education, another issue ripe for bipartisan efforts, brought the?liberal Bookerand?conservative?Christie together.?
?When you?re thinking conservatives or liberals or progressives, or Democrats and Republicans, education reform has been [where] the partisan or ideological labels don?t apply,? said Hari Sevugan, a former Democratic National Committee spokesman who later worked for Michelle Rhee?s StudentsFirst education-reform lobbying group. ?While they might apply in nearly every other issue, they don?t necessarily carry into this space.?
?These are interesting issues because they tend to be coalition-driven rather than party driven,? said Christie strategist Mike DuHaime, who added he expects the group to be a major player in politics. ?It?s great to have ? an outside group, pulling the coalition together.?
There?s a political benefit for Republicans to engage on education reform. Passage of the No Child Left Behind law helped President George W. Bush, who made it the hallmark of his "compassionate conservative" agenda. And in the midst of current-day Republican soul-searching, GOP leaders are looking to education reform as a way to show off their softer side. It?s become a focal point of?House Majority Leader Eric Cantor's strategy to recast the GOP as a kinder, gentler party, as he often talks up his experience spending time with a D.C. father who struggled to get his child into a good school. Former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush has argued reforming failing urban public schools will help Republicans make inroads with minority voters.?
And for a party that?s perceived as unhip, technophobic, and overly partisan, it?s a boost to have common ground with Zuckerberg, a young, successful entrepreneur with Silicon Valley connections.
Although Christie already enjoys solid support across the aisle in New Jersey, DuHaime said being associated with Zuckerberg was helpful: ?It?s beneficial politically, but that?s kind of a byproduct of good policy.?
Despite Zuckerberg?s political foray, he?s not a partisan. While Facebook COO Sheryl Sandberg?hosted a fundraiser?for President Obama and Facebook cofounder Chris Hughes (now the publisher of?The New Republic) worked on the president?s campaign, Zuckerberg doesn?t?publicly?identify as a Democrat or Republican. He?s friendly with Obama and hosted a Facebook town hall for him in 2011, but he also held a fundraiser for Christie earlier this year at his Palo Alto home.
?It?s turned into a very good friendship, but it was driven by their similar views on education reform,? DuHaime said. ?It was issue-driven, and then it became a friendship.?
Further proof of Zuckerberg's bipartisan bent: the?prominent inside-the-Beltway advisers?he's brought on board to run his new political group. The roster includes?former National Republican Senatorial Committee Executive Director Rob Jesmer, former Clinton press secretary Joe Lockhart, and Republican strategist Jon Lerner, a longtime consultant for the antitax Club for Growth.
Lerner has worked for a number of conservative clients, including South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley and former Gov. Mark Sanford in his gubernatorial campaigns. A 2010 McClatchy profile?written about Lerner?said he displayed an "unwillingness to work for candidates whose views don't match his own hard-line conservative beliefs."?
Now Lerner, whose work includes an ad describing Howard Dean as a "latte-drinking, sushi-eating, Volvo-driving, New York Times-reading? liberal, will be partners with a hoodie-wearing Silicon Valley icon.
Payroll software EzPaycheck automates small business accounting. Responding to customers? request, the new 2013 edition can now customize paycheck with company logo and is available for test drive at http://www.halfpricesoft.com
Los Angeles, CA (PRWEB) March 29, 2013
Payroll software developer Halfpricesoft.com (http://halfpricesoft.com) has launched a new edition of small business payroll software ezPaycheck 2013 with company logo feature. Many users use ezPaycheck to handle payroll taxes and print paychecks. They also asked for a simple way to customize paychecks with company logo, product image or company web link.
?EzPaycheck saves users? time and money on tax calculation, check printing and tax reporting. Some users also asked for the new feature to customize check layout with logo,? explained Dr. Ge, the found of halfpricesoft.com, ?We added the new logo feature to our ezPaycheck software. Users can now promote their company and products with checks, too.?
EzPaycheck payroll software is ideal for small businesses, nonprofits and accountants that need easy-to-use payroll tax solution to calculate payroll taxes, print paychecks and fill tax forms. Designed with simplicity in mind, the latest version also includes updated graphic interface and form level help buttons. EzPaycheck developers believe small business payroll tax software should be easy to use from day one. Even users with no accounting or computer experience can begin using ezPaycheck immediately after installation.
EzPaycheck 2013 is priced at just $89 per installation so any size business can automate their payroll process and take advantage of the many time-saving and money-saving features of the software. Additionally, new customers can test drive ezPaycheck 2013 free for 30 days at http://www.halfpricesoft.com/payroll_software_download.asp, sample all the included features, and see for themselves how easy ezPaycheck is to use.
EzPaycheck payroll and check printing software highlights:
Prints payroll checks on blank computer checks or preprinted checks.
Automatically calculates Federal Withholding Tax, Social Security, Medicare Tax and Employer Unemployment Taxes.
-Includes built-in tax tables for all 50 states and the District of Columbia.
Creates and maintains payrolls for multiple companies, and does it simultaneously.
Supports Daily, Weekly, Biweekly, Semi-monthly and Monthly payroll periods. Features Report Functions, Print Functions, and Pay Stub Functions.
Print Tax Forms 940, 941, W-2 and W-3.
Small business owners who are seeking productivity-booting solution are welcome to start the 30-day no obligation test drive of ezPaycheck payroll software at: http://halfpricesoft.com/payroll-software/Payroll-software.html
About Halfpricesoft.com
Halfpricesoft.com is a leading provider of small business software, including payroll software, employee attendance tracking software, check printing software, W2, software, 1099 software, and ezACH Deposit software. Today Software from halfpricesoft.com is trusted by thousands of users and help small business owners simplify their payroll processing and business management.
For the original version on PRWeb visit: http://www.prweb.com/releases/prwebpayroll-software/payroll-tax-solution/prweb10574675.htm
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Public release date: 8-Apr-2013
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